Owen Jones and Chavs : Nostalgia for Old Labour

Barry Biddulph reviews,  Owen Jones, Chavs:  The Demonization of the Working Class, (Verso 14.99) 

Owen Jones describes how class hatred of  working people finds expression in  the gross  distortions of working class experience in the media. His book is also about why the working class is ridiculed. For Matt Lucas and David Walliams in Little Britain: the working class is foulmouthed,  feckless, and benefit dependent.  Owen explains how the mockery of the working class demonstrates their social inferiority. It’s a culture which blames the victims rather than social injustice. It’s the way the working class ‘underclass’ lives that’s seen as the problem. Owen blames class war:  the move away from true parliamentarianism and class harmony -the spirit of 1945. In Owens old Labour view “at the heart root of the demonization of working class people is the legacy of a very British class war. Margaret Thatcher’s assumption of power in 1979.” [1]

Owen has a very uninformed view of how workers were portrayed on TV prior to Thatcher and Neoliberalism. The comedy, The Rag trade , was not a sympathetic look at the life of sweated labour in the clothing industry. It ridiculed  mindless militancy and the supposed ignorant overconfidence of workers. Everybody out :  What a hoot! And what about the hatred of factory workers and shop stewards in the film, I’m all right Jack. The shop steward is a bigot who leads card playing lazy workers who have been put to shame by a new middle class employee who does not see the point in trade unions. Again Coronation street in the 1960’s was not a realistic portrayal of working class life. All the stereotypes were there. Elsie Tanner the single mother with dubious sexual morals and her son Dennis with a bad attitude to work and everything else.

For Owen “the dog eat dog individualism unleashed by Thatcher has also undermined the collective spirit at the heart of trade unionism.” [2] But the spirit of trade union officialdom is sectionalism and support for parliament and the state. It’s the spirit of defeat:  calling off  the General Strike in 1926, and the failure to show political solidarity for striking miners in the Great Strike of 1984-5. Even Thatcher was surprised at the lack of the fighting solidarity from the trade union leaders. They allowed Thatcher to put on the legal shackles that restrain the rank and file to this day. Thatcher’s destruction of industry in the 1980’s did leave the economy dangerously reliant on the financial institutions of the city of London. However, deindustrialisation has always been an essential part of  the way capitalism works. The idea that the interests of the wealthiest are essential for the well-being of society as a whole did not begin with Thatcherism and Neoliberalism, it has always been the dominant view at the top of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions.

Owen’s alternative to Neoliberalism is a return to the presence of  old Labour working class parliamentarians. He regrets the lack of opportunities for working people to rise through parliament from the pit, dock and factory. Once upon a time Herbert Morrison, Ernest Bevin and Nye Bevan who were responsible for state capitalist administration, reactionary wars in support of American Imperialism, and keeping most of the economy in private hands in the post war Atlee government are supposed to have been a voice for workers outside parliament. In Owens view, old Labour remained committed to the idea of raising the conditions of the working class until the 1980’s. But outside Owen’s old Labour view, the real history of  old Labour  is rather different. For instance, Old Labour did not organise the unemployed in the 1930’s, the Communist party did that. And Harold Wilson’s Labour Government’s tried to prevent the militant rank and file workers and shop stewards, in the factories of the 1960’s, raising living standards by winning wage demands.

For Owen, we can build up old Labour again, because unless working class people can be properly represented in parliament Britain faces the prospect of an angry right-wing populism. This is a grim perspective of a choice between a right-wing popular reactionary movement or workers entering parliament. Owen Jones  is fearful and pessimist about class struggle outside parliament. Owen shares his values of class harmony through parliament with the Liberal origins of the Labour Party. It was the liberal politics of Keir Hardie which were decisive in the fledgling Labour Party. He argued that the Labour Party should stand for the nation not class war. The result was working men in parliament with conservative and liberal views  led by parliamentary reactionaries. Many of Labour’s politicians such as Phillip Snowden, were profoundly conformist. Snowden was an economic liberal who kept to the Gold Standard which destroyed working class living standards, communities, and jobs, long before Thatcherism. There is historical continuity, since Dennis Healy and James Callaghan returned to economic liberalism in 1976, prior to Thatcher.

His history of working class communities is old Labour mythology. Owen stresses geographical community as the bonds of working class solidarity, which he associates with manual workers mainly in the old pit communities. He stresses contentment and pride in  factory work. On the other hand he gives an isolated example of his friend Liam who hated every second of his boring work in a print factory:  alienation in the work place has never been a strong point in the Labour tradition. Historically, the working class has been recomposed many times in terms of local community and workplace. Owen offers his experience of Stockport, as a typical of a rooted community. In Stockport,  like Owen, but speaking from more experience, there was deindustrialisation or factory closures long before Thatcherism. The Cotton mills closed in the late fifties and early sixties. Engineering factories were shut down in the late sixties and early seventies.  His talk of roots going back to grandfathers is also largely a myth. There was a movement of workers in and out of Stockport and other industrial areas as jobs and community changed complexion.

The old parliamentary Labour party also closed coal mines and refused to support miners striking in defence of their communities.Ramsay MacDonald, from the interwar years, and Neil Kinnock from the 1980s, both  left the miners to fight alone and go down to defeat.  Old Labour shares a big responsibility for the decline of the value of solidarity. Owen’s nostalgia for old Labour is also very selective. Owen’s working class heroes of the post-war Labour government all supported working class austerity and used British troops on a mass scale to break strikes. All three were committed to administrating and modernising capitalism at the expense of working class living standards.  They opposed any challenge to capitalism such as encouraging more power to the workers in their workplace. Nationalisation was a form of bureaucratic state capitalism applied to those public utilities and industries which were deemed to be inefficient. Despite Nye Bevan’s parliamentary rhetoric, he was in favour of leaving 80% of industry in the hands of private capitalists.

Trade union bosses and Labour party leaders still believe the interests of the wealthy are essential for the well-being of society. This explains the facts of inequality Owen presents.  It also explains why Ed Miliband can support a pay freeze for public sector workers, and refuse to oppose the cuts or promise to reverse them. Union bosses such as Brian Strutton of the GMB and Dave Prentis of Unison  sided with the state in the pension dispute or are leaders the government can do business with. Business interests come first, way above the interests of workers in the public or private sector. It is not enough to describe the demonization of the working class, if like Owen, you support a parliamentary tradition, which has put the working class  down and kept them away from any real power or influence.


1 p.10

2 p.153

6 thoughts on “Owen Jones and Chavs : Nostalgia for Old Labour

  1. An excellent article, highlighting a few truths that should be well know to the general public.
    Anybody that knows a little about working class history should know that there is no political party that is in power, or believes that it can hold the reigns of power, puts the working class interests before that of the state, and we all know that the state is there to protect that status-quo. It is there to give the stamp of legitimacy to the exploitation of the working class. As soon as the working class starts to show its strength the party in power and those who believe they will be in power, will act against them. Labour is no different from the rest. Today people are beginning to see the irrelevance of political parties to their lives, this can lead to apathy or to a more direct action confrontation approach to the problems in their lives.


  2. ‎”But deindustrialisation also destroyed working class communities. Working class pride, community spirit, and collective values were dismantled.”

    It’s terrible that in just 20 years the idea that you can be proud to be working class has vanished.

    The working class culture that grew out of the industrial era was possibly the most defining moment in British society/identity and social structure since the collapse of the feudal system. In the space of 20 years we went from being primarily an agricultural nation with many market towns to being the worlds first truly industrialised country whereby everyone was interlinked with everyone else and everyone supported each other.

    Neo liberalism destroyed our industry, thus destroying the 100’s of working communities dependent on it and making every person independently reliant on themselves in a service job.

    Subsequently we have now that if you don’t strive to be/pretend to be middle class then you are “scum/chav/scroungers” and that the only people who can truly exceed in life are those with a degree, any other choice is worthless. The thing is the whole idea of “benefits scoungers” would never have existed in pre-Thatcher Britan because our country still have the means of providing decent employment to millions.

    The other point I picked up on in relation to having a degree, there is no way that someone could rise to the top of the labour party if they were not educated to degree level. In only having a party core made up of middle class graduates how can they ever hope to represent the workers, especially those who do not actually see themselves as working class despite being constantly exploited in a free market wage system in which they must sell their labour.

    Labour was founded as a party for proud working people to demand workers rights. It has succeeded in changing it’s whole electorate to run parallel with the torys and together with the tabloid newspapers they have convinced millions that they are no longer even working class.

    I like 10’s of thousands of other young people once supported the Liberal Democrats and Clegg. We saw them as a force for good, for progression and equality and something different to Labour and the Torys. This last year has shown everyone that all politicians are the same shade.

    This government has categorically lied to it’s young people about fees, systematically attacked the NHS and has presided over the biggest youth unemployment rate ever. Are they really surprised that myself and 1000’s of other young people are starting to see workers self management, grass roots community politics, local committees and an equal share of the wealth as the only viable alternative.

    Furthermore they should really be very careful how they tread. The Sun and the Mail can ratchet up their anti-working class rhetoric, but it will carry on getting a lot worse before it gets better and it will just take a flash in the pan for these million unemployed kids with little futures and those who remember the days of the old labour movement realise that we put a hell of a lot more into the system than we ever get out of it there will be big things happening.

    And if the government doesn’t give, well then the summer riots of last year will look like a fucking playground scuffle in comparison to what we can expect in the coming years.


  3. Sadly riots and uprisings don’t always result in a greater social society. The riots and uprisings must have some purpose and direction, those involved must have some idea of what they want, when people are looking for change our ideas have to be on the table, if they are unaware of the ideas of mutual aid etc, then they will not use them. Anger alone is seldom enough, it needs direction to implement the real change that we want.

    Anguish for family and friends,
    all in the name of profit;
    now that really does offend.
    Our anger without direction
    is a blind archer behind the bow,
    we have to use our anger
    to smash the status-quo.


  4. Hi Benjamin

    There are some serious misunderstandings about the history and origin of the Labour party. The labour party was never a mass workers party in terms of class struggle. Indeed its origin was unconnected with mass strikes or mass workers struggles. Indeed its entire history shows its oppossion to class struggle. Its origin is in the TUC and the trade union bureacracy. Its origin was about putting working men into parliament who could lobby within parliament for legislation to protect trade union funds and hence trade union official jobs. It was timid and defensive and not about asserting working class rights. Indeed it was not about working class or class at all. It was founded in opposition to a class party or a socialist party. Thats why its been against class struggle and mass strikes ever since.

    You do not have to have a degree or be educated to be in the leadership of the labour party. Putting working men into parliament does not call for degrees or militancy. Some of the uneducated working class men have been the most reactionary and conservative. For example the first Labour chancellor Phillip Snowden who keeped to the gold standard in the 1920’s to help the rich and cut miners pay and working class living standards. Todays austerity is a return to the level of these cuts. Or take a more recent example, two jags prescott. Very working class but reactionary.Its not about sociological roots but working class politics or communism /socialism.

    working class is not simply about living in the same area working in the same factory, shopping in the same shops. Its about sharing a similar experience of exploitation or alienation, even though people might live miles apart. For instance, you pension will be cut and you will have to work longer for less is you work in the public sector in Glasgow or sheffield.

    unemployment and de industrialisation are not specifically Thatcher or Tory, but capitalist. There have been very high levels of unemployment under old and new labour.The labour party closed many coal pits prior to Thatcher. Post war neo liberalism was initiated by james Callaghan and a labour Government prior to Thatcherism.


  5. Reading the above, one can’t help but think of Will Crooks MP. He never led the Labour Party, but he stood for everything the Labour Party was originally created for back in the day. Crooks by the way was only the fourth ever Labour MP and the first ever Labour Mayor in London. He was one of the leaders of the great dock strike of 1889 although he doesn’t get much credit for that nowadays. He had many offers in his life that would have set him up financially for life, but he spurned these offers and chose to remain living among the poor and working class that he represented. In regards to Barry saying “You do not have to have a degree or be educated to be in the leadership of the labour party”; this reminds me of an episode when Crooks was elected to Parliament and the Conservative Prime Minister, Arthur Balfour answered one of his questions in Latin. As a working man from the East End of London, Crooks obviously had no knowledge of the language and so he asked for Balfour to repeat his answer in English. After laughter from the Tory benches after the answer was put into English, Crooks told them “I was busy learning life when you other boys were learning Latin. This learning of life gentlemen, carrying with it an intense love of truth and justice has proved more useful to me and the class I serve than any knowledge of a dead language could.” Ha, excellent.

    If you’re not familiar with Will Crooks MP, then there’s a couple of books available on his life. One is called “Where there’s a Will, there’s a way: The remarkable life story of Will Crooks MP’. The author’s website is good because he goes into more detail about the life of Will Crooks and his many achievements. We really do owe him a great debt of gratitude for the things he fought for and won on our behalf, such as old age pensions and the unemployed becoming the state’s responsibility. He was a true working class hero. The link to that book’s website is: http://www.jimsbooksite.com/read-more-about-will–sample-chapter.html


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